Clinging to nuclear weapons in excess of our security needs does not make the United States safer.  And the nuclear status quo is neither desirable nor sustainable.  It gives other countries the motivation or the excuse to pursue their own nuclear options.
继续保持超出我们安全所需的核武器不会让美国更安全。目前的核局面既不可取,也无法持续。它使其他国家有动机、有借口发展它们各自的核方案。

The right way to reduce our excess nuclear forces is in parallel with Russia.  Verifiable mutual reductions through a new START treaty will help us build trust and avoid surprises.  We are working hard to ensure that the new agreement will continue to allow for inspections and other mechanisms that allow us to build confidence.  We are under no illusions that the START agreement will persuade Iran and North Korea to end their illicit nuclear activities.  But it will demonstrate that the United States is living up to its Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty obligation to work toward nuclear disarmament.  In doing so, it will help convince the rest of the international community to strengthen nonproliferation controls and tighten the screws on states that flout that their nonproliferation commitments.
减少我们过剩核力量的正确途径是与俄罗斯齐头并进。通过一项新的削减战略武器条约实现可核查的共同削减将有助于我们建立信任,避免意外。我们正在作出积极努力,确保新协议将继续包含能够让我们建立信心的检查和其他机制。我们绝不幻想新的削减战略武器条约会说服伊朗和北韩结束它们的非法核活动。但是,它将表明美国奉行《不扩散核武器条约》的义务,在为核裁军作出努力。这样做也将有助于说服国际社会其他成员加强不扩散控制,对那些无视其不扩散承诺的国家给与更有力的钳制。

For the same reason, the United States seeks to begin negotiations as soon as possible on a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty with appropriate monitoring and verification provisions.  A universal FMCT will halt the production of plutonium and highly enriched uranium for weapons purposes, capping the size of existing arsenals, and reducing the risk that terrorist groups will one day gain access to stockpiles of fissile materials.
基于同样的原因,美国在争取尽快就制定一项含有相应监督与核查条款的《裂变材料禁产条约》展开谈判。一项全球性裂变材料禁产条约将制止武器级钚和高浓铀的生产,限制现存核武规模,减少恐怖主义组织未来获取裂变材料的危险。

But we must do more than reduce the numbers of our nuclear weapons.  We must also reduce the role they play in our security.  In this regard, the ongoing Nuclear Posture Review will be a key milestone.  It will more accurately calibrate the role, size, and composition of our nuclear stockpile to the current and future international threat environments. And it will provide a fundamental reassessment of U.S. nuclear force posture, levels, and doctrine.  Carried out in consultation with our allies, it will examine the role of nuclear weapons in deterring today’s threats and review our declaratory policies with respect to the circumstances in which the United States would consider using nuclear weapons.
但是,我们所必须做的不仅仅是减少我们的核武器数量。我们还必须降低核武器在保障我们的安全中的作用。在这方面,持续进行的《和态势评估报告》(Nuclear Posture Review)将成为重要的里程碑。它将根据当前和未来国际环境中存在的威胁,更准确地调整我们核库存的作用、规模和结构,对美国核武力势态(U.S. Nuclear Force Posture)的级别和方针提出根本性再评估。这项报告将结合与盟国的磋商,检视核武器在今天的威慑作用,审视涉及美国在何种情况下考虑动用核武器的核威慑政策。

As part of the NPR, the Nuclear Posture Review, we are grappling with key questions:  What is the fundamental purpose of the U.S. nuclear weapons arsenal?  Will our deterrence posture help the United States encourage others to reduce their arsenals and advance our nonproliferation agenda?  How can we provide reassurance to our allies in a manner that reinforces our nonproliferation objectives?
在《核态势评估报告》中,我们将努力回答一些关键问题。美国核武库的根本目的是什么?我们的威慑姿态是否将有助于美国鼓励其他国家减少它们的库存和推动我们的核不扩散议程?我们将如何能够为盟国提供保障而同时推进我们的核不扩散目标?

We believe now is the time for a look — a fresh look at the views on the role of the United States nuclear weapons arsenal.  We can’t afford to continue relying on recycled Cold War thinking.  We are sincere in our pursuit of a secure peaceful world without nuclear weapons.  But until we reach that point of the horizon where the last nuclear weapon has been eliminated, we need to reinforce the domestic consensus that America will maintain the nuclear infrastructure needed to sustain a safe and effective deterrent without nuclear testing.
我们认为,现在应该是对美国核军备的作用作出重新审视的时侯了。我们不能继续依靠翻新的冷战思维。我们真诚追求一个没有核武器的安全、和平的世界。但在达到最后一枚核武器被消除的那一远景目标之前,我们需要强调这样一个内部共识,即美国将为保持一种没有核试验的安全、有效的威慑力而维持必需的核基础设施。

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